MISSING THE POINT ON LUISITA CONTROVERSY?

It is not strange for another Cojuangco to stand-up for the revered “familial name” against a snowball of criticism about the decades-long Hacienda Luisita controversy. Liberal Party (LP) presidential candidate – Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino is simply living up to the standards of his clan, which normally includes “turf protection” and “asset-clinging” with utter abuse of authority. They remain defensive on the accounts of Luisita division as they intend to continue their control over the 4,000 hectare sugar farm land. The way Aquino defended his cousin, Fernando Cojuangco, the chief operating officer of the holding company that owns the Luisita plantation, is reason enough for voters to think twice on his offered “reformed administration”.

Noynoy is on complete defensive mode when it comes to his clan’s entanglements with azucarera. And the way he belied and accused the New York Times of misquoting his cousin on a remark that the Cojuangcos have no intention of giving-up Luisita is one proof of his undoubtedly biased judgment over Luisita. After being elected in Congress and actually gaining the authority to help dismiss Luisita farmers’ 46-year old lamentations and grief, Noynoy surely ignored good governance and stayed quiet with tail bended down on the affairs between the Tarlac farmers and his clan. The 2004 Luisita massacre is enough proof of Noynoy’s political prejudice.

The controversial Luisita azucarera operated by the Hacienda Luisita Inc. (HLI) and the Central Azucarera de Tarlac (CAT) was legally bounded to be distributed to its farm workers as part of the implementation of the former Department of Agrarian Reform’s (DAR) ruling. Records show from the Manila RTC that the late Don Jose Cojuangco purchased Luisita on March 31, 1958 with the help of loaned government funds from the Central Bank of the Philippines (CBP) and the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS). Part of the said negotiation was Don Jose’s agreement to distribute the land to his farmers pursuant to the Marcos government’s social justice program. However, Don Jose held back on his end of the bargain on claims that there were no tenants inside the azucarera. Ten years later, CBP released an inquiry that lambasted Don Jose’s earlier claims that also stunned the public. On said report, there were about 100,000 residents in the 10 barrios making-up the entire hacienda; and that this overwhelming population is under Tadeco’s payroll.

In 1980, the government almost succeeded in pushing Tadeco management to honor its 1958 agreement with CBP and GSIS. The Ministry of Agrarian Reform (now DAR) was even tasked to overlook the manner of Hacienda Luisita’s division or distribution to the azucarera farmers. But this was short-lived as Pres. Cory Aquino took office and implemented the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP). CARP actually stalled the land-distribution by turning its farm workers into stockholders or co-owners of the azucarera turned corporation – Hacienda Luisita Inc. Instead of land, Cojuangco gave them shared capita, which now faces bankruptcy as stressed by Noynoy.

The Cojuangcos practically soiled the original Hacienda Luisita agreement and exploited the land till it became entirely useless. All their farmers were duped with no peso or land to their name despite their numerous land reform agreements. That is point fact. Noynoy being overprotective of the Cojuangcos “good name” makes him no less than part of the pack of Cojuangco wolves out to protect their estates like true blue capitalist.