HATI NA BA ANG BOTO MO? “Hala I-Patrol Mo”

Hindi mo minsan masikmura ang lantarang panloloko hindi lang ng mga kung sinu-sinong TRAPO, kundi na rin ng dapat sana’y malaya at mapanuring pamamahayag. Simula kasi nang mag-igting ang iringan sa mga sensitibong posisyon tulad ng pang-panguluhan sa darating ng 2010 election, halos nagpapang-abot narin ang kalokohan ng mga estasyon at gimik ng mga di magkahumayaw na pulitiko. Isa na nga riyan ang matunog na kampanyang “Boto Mo I-Patrol Mo” na aniya tumutulong na mabigyan ng sapat na kaalaman ang mga botante sa susunod na taon. Litanya nga ng mga ”patrollers” nito ang samut-saring kawalanghiyaan ng mga taong nailuklok sa gobyerno ngunit sa isang banda naman ay patuloy na pinagkakaperahan ng estasyon ang mga dapat sana’y banned ads ng mga “presidentiables”.

Premature campaigning o ang mahigpit na ipinagbabawal na “electioneering” ang bumubungad sa manunood ng estasyon tuwing pinalalabas nito ang mga papogi ads ng kung sinu-sinong pontso pilato. Nahahalintulad ito sa mga naglalakihang poster o banderitas ng mga opisyal sa nakakalat ngayon sa mga eskinita at makikipot na pader ng lungsod. Nakapagtataka lang, nagagawang pansinin ng estasyon ang mga nakahilerang mga “posters” na ito habang pinahihintulutan naman nilang mag ere ng mahigit sa 3 hanggang 5 minutong campaign ad ang mga “presidentiables”. Kung susumahin daan-daang milyung piso ang kinikita ng estasyon sa mga pagpapalabas ng mga political ads na ito. Kaya naman hindi mahirap sabihin na nagkukunwang maka-tao ang estasyon lalo na’t isinusulong nito ang dapat ay clean and fair elections”.

Pera-pera nga lang naman ang tahasang dahilan ng mga tila pangguguyong ito ng mga kilalang estasyon sa bansa. At ang masakit nito, may malaking bilang na din ng mga botante ang nauuto nila. Kasi naman, habang nagkukunwaring “watchdog” ang estasyon sali’t-salitan naman nilang pinagkakaperahan ang mga pulitikong pilit na nambabaluktot ng batas kontra sa maagang pamumulitika o electioneering. Mantakin mong may isang taon pa man bago ipahintulot ang pangangapanya, nagsisimula nang ibandera ng mga pulitiko ang kani-kanilang mga mukha sa tv gamit na din ng “bayarang” media.

Kung susumahin, panakip butas lang ng estasyon ang kampanya nitong “Boto Mo I-Patrol Mo” para naman hindi gaanong mapuna ang walang humpay nilang pangnenegosyo tuwing eleksiyon.

Ngunit maliban pa sa bulok na pangangatwiran ng estasyon sa kanilang malugod na pangangampanya ng kung sinu-sinong “presidentiable”, dahan-dahan ding hinihikayat ng estasyon na i-boycott ang eleksyion. Patunay diyan ang maya-mayang pagpapalabas ng estasyon ng anila “butas” ng darating na automated election. Minamakina ng estasyon ang publiko na maging negatibo sa eleksiyon na nag-uudyok naman upang paigtingin pa ng mga kandidato ang kanilang mga jingle ads na pinagkakwartahan naman ng estasyon.

Kaya naman, madaling sabihin na ginigisa ng kapitalistang estasyon ang mga botante at mga pulitiko sa kani-kanilang mantika.

MEDIA ON POPULAR VOTE FOR NO-EL

“Oversight of Election Watchdogs”

Vote watching is nothing less than a crude excuse to actually heighten the possibility of a publicly preferred “no election”. The “Boto Mo I-Patrol Mo” for one that was intended to arouse voters to be vigilantly looking over the course of the nearing election was unfortunately swaying the public to amass skepticism. The truckload of “appalling” reports that these “patrollers” address on nationwide television should be a matter of concern since it generates more of pessimism other than an interest to participate on the coming election. Thus, this has been a regrettable oversight.

Unfortunately as “Boto Mo I-Patrol Mo” continues to “flag” in one of the country’s leading stations, “electioneering” such as premature campaign ads of various presidentiables undercuts it. The very station claiming clean and fear ballot casting is in fact condoning “electioneering” in exchange of multi-million worth of tv ads that they continually air in between their shows. Obviously, the tv station is simply making “Boto Mo I-Patrol Mo” a fitting façade to hide its money-making agenda. As such, the saying “pera-pera lang yan” proves true even among 2010 “reformist”.

If defined, the movement pushed by the station is nothing less than a refigured mind conditioning ingredient that generate public unease on the sought-after presidential race. It focuses more on actually making a wet blanket view on the outcome of the first ever automated elections in the country. That is, despite the stations nonstop show of support to various candidates by lending its airwaves to “premature” campaign propaganda materials.

Permitting electioneering in exchange of millions of peso is what capitalists do to make a huge profit out of the election. Undesirably, capitalist partisanship is going to haunt the viable selection of presidency by next year and a huge crowd of misled “patrollers” are going to make it possible. Worst case scenario in this media fiasco is having a handful of voters turn down the election out of riddling lack of trust. This runs appositively to what the movement “Boto Mo I-Patrol Mo” is trying to impart in its partakers. Instead of giving people hope and making them believe on the equal lengths of the law through exercising their rights of suffrage, the contrasting “pressure group” of the station and its outlined business ventures with supposedly “unlawful” political ads are both perplexing able voters.

Other than gathering unison perspectives on the elections, the campaign propelled by the tv station is more of “divisive” in nature. It ideally alienates the voters from the government which would be handling the smooth course of the 2010 presidential selection. Hence, majority of voters are actually prejudging the course of the elections. On one end this come close to provoking the crowd on boycotting 2010 and support a potential vote for No-Election. Moreover, what else does “Boto Mo I-Patrol Mo” promoters expect from their demoralized crowd?

COJUANGCO PHANTOMS HUNT THE PRESIDENCY

The Cojuangco owned Hacienda Luisita in Tarlac costs more than a huge sum of money. It actually bartered poor farmers’ lives and a truckload of “elitist” injustice. The 6,400 hectare land that the Cojuangco’s hold on to with fangs and claws simply represent the adversity of servitude and the rich’s monopoly of influence. And this unlikely Juan dela Cruz tragic drama will persist just as another Cojuangco heir is eyeing the presidency.

No one is absolutely clean of partisanship and misuse of authority in the Philippine political arena. Unfortunately, the long list of presidents we have had to deal with their own horrors and Achilles’ heel. For one, Martial law had nailed former Pres. Ferdinand Marcos’ administration despite the grandness of the Philippine economy in the 1970s. His dictatorship and iron-fist rule lingered more on Filipinos’ consciousness other than his build-up fiscal progress. Most say, Juan preferred the “doughnut hole” other than Marcos’ offered “progress”. On the other hand, the phantoms of Hacienda Luisita haunted Pres. Corazon Aquino’s rise to power. The heroine of EDSA-1 have had her fair share of public’s disfavor when the celebrated government case against the despotic “landlordship” of the Cojuangco’s took a dubious turn in favor of the then Pres. Aquino’s kin.

In an interview of Former MAR or Ministry of Agrarian Reform (now Department of Agrarian Reform) official, Jose Santos in the alternative paper-Bulatlat, he affirmed that Don Jose Cojuangco’s deal with the government about half a decade ago binds the “azucarera” to a supposedly irrevocable deal among its tenants. In particular, the GSIS approved 5.9 million peso loan of Don Jose that was used to purchase Hacienda Luisita incorporated a condition that the estate would then be subdivided among its tenants. Around 4,000 hectares should have been legally apportioned to the Luisita’s farmers. But just as the MAR’s case take a winning toll against the Cojuangco’s, Pres. Cory ascended in Malacañang and actually had a revamp of MAR officials to include the appointment of Sedfrey Ordoñez as Solicitor General. Ordoñez served as the Cojuangco’s legal counsel in the controversial Hacienda Luisita legal thug. And as expected, when he assumed into MAR (DAR) the winnable case of the government against the Cojuangco’s littered.

Most admires Pres. Aquino’s descent to power. The widow of another Martial Law hero- Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino was elemental in putting an end to the 20-year totalitarian rule of Marcos. Sad to say, the victory of EDSA People Power was boxed on the Pres. Cory and that this was further exploited by the Cojuangco to undermine the biddings of the law. The creation of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program or (CARP) was the ironic tool used by the Cojuangco’s to trash out Luisita farmer’s rights. This is one cruel truth of “omnipotent power” manhandling the weak but paid much interest.

And just as CARP faces its end after a twin decade of prostituting the poor Luisita tenants’ rights, another Cojuangco claims the presidential throne. Expectedly, another injustice is cooked-up. Maybe, a resurrected CARP would again haunt the victims of Luisita. And if I may say, we are partly to blame for the discrete crimes of Cojuangcos.

Hacienda Luisita Belongs to Cojuangco Tenants, Ex-DAR Exec Says

Hacienda Luisita workers
in a mass action for land,
just wages, and rights

Photo by Dabet Castañeda

Hacienda Luisita Belongs to Cojuangco Tenants, Ex-DAR Exec Says
In a deal with government funders 46 years ago, Don Jose Cojuangco pledged to distribute the land now occupied by Hacienda Luisita to tenant farmers. A former director of the Department of Agrarian Reform says a court order binds the Cojuangcos to do so.

By Dabet Castañeda
Bulatlat

http://www.bulatlat.com/news/4-42/4-42-tenants.html

The Cojuangco family, owners of the embattled Hacienda Luisita, Inc. (HLI) and the Central Azucarera de Tarlac (CAT), is legally bound to distribute the 4,000-hectare land to the sugar farm workers of the plantation, a former Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) director said. The 4,000 hectares are what is left of the 6,400-hectare plantation estate whose 2,400-ha portion is said to have been earmarked as “homelots” for the HLI’s “shareholders.”
 

The former DAR official, Jose Santos, is one of government lawyers who on April 18, 1980 assisted Solicitor General Estelito Mendoza in filing Civil Case No. 131654 at the Regional Trial Court (RTC) of Manila, Branch XLIII against the Tarlac Development Corporation (Tadeco), the former company name of HLI and CAT.

Santos, who is now retired, is known to his colleagues to be an expert in handling big land disputes during his tenure at the government’s agrarian agency then known as the Ministry of Agrarian Reform (MAR). He worked there as director of the Bureau of Agrarian Legal Assistance (BALA).

In an exclusive interview with Bulatlat last week, Santos said he is breaking his silence to shed light on what actually transpired since 1958 when the late Cojuangco patriarch, Don Jose, acquired the hacienda. He also recalled the conditions on why Don Jose Cojuangco was able to do so, and the court case which government won over the family that legally binds them to distribute land to the hacienda’s tillers. 

Acquisition
Court records from the Manila RTC show that Don Jose was able to purchase Tadeco on March 31, 1958 using government funds from two agencies, the Central Bank of the Philippines (CBP) and the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS). The CBP, under Monetary Board Resolution No. 1240, granted a loan of US $2,128,480 to Don Jose on the condition that the latter would also buy the Hacienda Luisita sugar plantation. The patriarch’s original plan was to only purchase the sugar mill. As part of the condition, the hacienda is to be distributed to small farmers in line with the administration’s social justice program, Santos recalls.

But since the dollar loan was not enough to purchase both the sugar mill and the plantation, Don Jose again applied for a loan with the GSIS, court records show. The GSIS Board of Trustees, through Resolution No. 3202 approved the sum of P5.9 million in loan for the purchase of the 6,400-hectare Hacienda Luisita on the condition, among others, that the estate should be subdivided among tenants who shall pay the cost under “reasonable terms and conditions.“

Inquiry
In 1967, Conrado Estrella of the now defunct Land Authority inquired in writing with the Tadeco owner whether he has complied with the conditions set by the CBP and GSIS, citing in particular the distribution of the land among its tillers. Don Jose answered that when his group took over the hacienda, they found no tenants and that they had to begin operating the hacienda by hiring farm workers.

Ten years later, the CBP made a similar inquiry with the heirs of Don Jose, who by then had died. In March 1978, the Evening Post daily reported that about 100,000 residents of the 10 barrios comprising the hacienda filed a petition demanding the expropriation of the hacienda and its distribution to small farmers. 

Consequently in May of the same year, MAR officials made their own inquiry into the case. Tadeco vice-president Demetria Cojuangco replied that the condition with regards the land distribution could not be enforced.

Case
In 1980, Santos recalls, he assisted Solicitor General Mendoza in filing a case against the owners of Tadeco before the Manila RTC.  Mendoza and Santos asked the RTC to compel Tadeco to honor its pledge in the 1958 loan deal with the CBP and GSIS and transfer the 6,400-hectare hacienda to the MAR who shall then subdivide, distribute and resell the land at cost to small farmers. 

Again, Tadeco insisted the CBP and GSIS conditions could not be enforced first, because there were no tenants in the hacienda and, second, sugarcane plantations were not part of the scope of the government’s land reform program. To do so, Tadeco lawyers said, would be giving in to what could be seen as a “disguised confiscation of private property.” 

The case dragged on for five years until Dec. 2, 1985 when Judge Bernardo Pardo of the Manila RTC Branch XLIII decided in favor of government.  The Cojuangcos immediately appealed the decision before the Court of Appeals (CA). 

Dismissal
Santos recalls that the RTC decision vindicated the sugar farm workers’ cause. Before the appeal could be heard at the CA, however, one of the Cojuangco’s heirs, Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino (widow of Marcos’ arch-rival Benigno Aquino), became president of the country on the crest of a popular uprising that toppled the Marcos dictatorship in February 1986.

But since the new president was one of the owners of the hacienda, Santos said he began to lose faith that the court decision would bear fruit. His fears were proven right when in 1986, President Cojuangco-Aquino appointed Sedfrey Ordoñez, the Cojuangco family’s own legal counsel in the Hacienda Luisita case, as solicitor general. As solicitor general, Santos added, Ordoñez was also to represent government that in the first place, originally filed the case for expropriation.

As expected, the case at the CA did not move and out of frustration, Santos resigned on the same year from MAR, which had been renamed as Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR).

In 1988, the appellate court issued a dismissal resolution mainly due to the fact that President Cojuangco-Aquino had guaranteed that sugar farms would be included in her agrarian reform program known as the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP).

Francisco Chavez, who replaced Ordoñez as solicitor general, asked through the CA whether the CBP, DAR and the GSIS, as parties to the case, were still interested in following up the appeal, Santos said. The three parties, based on court records, answered in the negative but pointed out that Hacienda Luisita should be part of the CARP with the land distributed to small farmers. On May 18, 1988, the CA dismissed the appeal. 

Santos clarifies, however, that in dismissing the appeal the CA did not actually say that it was nullifying the RTC Manila decision of 1985 which orders that Hacienda Luisita should be subdivided, distributed and resold to the hacienda’s small farmers at cost.

In fact, the CA dismissal-resolution emphasized “it is not only conditional but also without prejudice to the reopening/revival of the case if the conditions of the DAR are not met,” Santos says.

SDO
Saying that agrarian reform was the centerpiece of her administration, Mrs. Aquino instituted the CARP stating that land reform can be achieved by either actual land distribution or through a stock distribution scheme through the Stock Distribution Option (SDO). Subsequently, the Cojuangcos turned Hacienda Luisita into a corporation and is now known as Hacienda Luisita, Inc. (HLI), with the sugar farm workers classified from farm laborers to “stockholders” or “co-owners” of the said hacienda.

Ed Tadem, associate professor of Asian Studies at the University of the Philippines in Diliman, in a statement emailed to Bulatlat said that the SDO was implemented by the former president, who is part of a landlord clan, to “evade land reform.” 
This scheme was inserted into the so-called CARP (R.A. 6657) by pro-landlord legislators during the term of President Aquino, he said, to allow landowners who run their farms as corporations to distribute shares of stocks to farm workers in lieu of outright land transfer.

Tadem added that serious observers and scholars of agrarian reform contend that stock distribution can never be a substitute for land transfer which is the heart and soul of any genuine land reform.
Santos, on the other hand, said that the SDO deprives the farmers’ right to the land they till which, first and foremost, is a legitimate issue.
Solution

In a Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) signed by Tadeco, the HLI, DAR and a handful of farm beneficiaries stated that they have entered into this agreement “in the spirit of the CARP with the end view of improving the lot of farm beneficiaries of the stock distribution plan and obtaining for them greater benefits.’
“The question is: Is the purpose of the SDO achieved? Has it become successful?” Santos asks. 

This question also rings in the mind of the sugar farm workers who have staged a work stoppage since Nov. 6 to, among their demands, force the DAR to review the implementation and effects of the SDO on their daily lives. 

Sugar farm workers say that since the incorporation of the hacienda, they have experienced greater hardships due to, among others, diminishing mandays caused by mechanization of sugar cane production and the land use conversion.

In Tadem’s statement, the Luisita stock option plan had been denounced as "unconstitutional" by the University of the Philippines Law Center in a position paper submitted in June 1990 to the Senate Agrarian Reform Committee. The memorandum stated that the "scheme is violative not only of the social justice provisions but even more so of the specific provisions of the Constitution on agrarian reform" since it "allows the original owners to remain the controlling interest at the expense of the supposedly farmer beneficiaries."

If the SDO does not actually benefit the sugar farm workers of the HLI, Santos, said it is imperative for the DAR to nullify the implementation of the SDO at HLI and pursue the lower court decision against the Cojuangcos.

Under these circumstance, the former DAR official said, that makes the Cojuangcos legally bound to distribute the hacienda to small farmers.

Santos also scored the DAR and the administrations after President Aquino for having no political will to settle the agrarian unrest in the hacienda.  It is sad that it had to take the lives of the fighting farm beneficiaries to put this issue into the government’s attention once more, he said. Bulatlat

ATTACK ON NERI ANOTHER HOAX

A couple of weeks ago, the Quezon City house of Social Security System (SSS) Secretary Romulo Neri was peppered with bullets by fourteen armed men clad in fatigue uniforms. Ironically, the controversial personality who became embroiled in the multi-million dollar broadband network deal in 2007 brushed off the incident and has not even made any attempt to help the authorities in identifying the culprits. His questionable approach to the incident has then led political observers to believe that he was actually expecting the violent and daring act to be staged on his residence.

A very keen observer would even believe Neri was staging his own kidnapping. Was this what Neri was up with all the speculation that he knew and was expecting the attack? An unimpeachable source clarified that the SSS Secretary was supposed to attend a meeting at eight o’clock that very morning but unexpectedly deferred his attendance for no apparent reason. He even reduced his security detail from ten to three, only last month, leading one to believe that he was indeed preparing the stage for his so-called abduction much like what Jun Lozada also attempted and failed to do last year upon his controversial return to the country.

However, much like Lozada, Neri underestimated his security aide and did not expect himself to be defended from his attackers. The gullible secretary must have thought that the sheer number of armed men would lead his security aides to back down and allow entry of the attackers to his house, thereby succeeding in acting out his abduction. As sourced out, the armed men were equipped with a sledgehammer and were supposed to force down the main gate to “get” to Neri. However, shots from inside which the attackers apparently did not anticipate made them abandon their plan.

The source further revealed that the attackers were known experts in their so-called trade of attack being long-time paid kidnappers, proven by their move in commandeering two vans and subsequently abandoning these for two other get-away vehicles near the area of their target, all backed up by a well-off padrino as proven by the lease made on a warehouse for P105,000.00 which was paid in full and in cold cash, a full a day prior to the attack.

Information obtained from another reliable source revealed that Neri was supposed to be held “incommunicado” a few days after his abduction. He was also scheduled to do an exposé, via live feed, against the Arroyo family to intentionally re-ignite the ZTE-NBN scandal and thereby create the much-needed critical mass to finally force out President Arroyo from Malacañang, which would then be supplemented by a military takeover. As the planned alternative, a call to install a transitional revolutionary government, a plan grounded by and being peddled by Senator Ping Lacson, will also be made. Obviously with this plan SSS Secretary Romulo Neri would definitely have served as Ping Lacson’s new witness and will be paraded under Lacson’s already long drawn out exposés in Senate.

RIGODON SA KAMPO NI NOYNOY AT MAR INAABANGAN

Hindi pa pala plantsado ang lahat tulad ng inaakala ng nakakarami. Malakas ang ugong-ugong na ang kampo ni Senador Noynoy Aquino at Senador Mar Roxas ay humaharap ngayon sa isang malaking intriga patungkol sa aktwal na pagpapatupad ng kanilang plano na “Noynoy-Mar” tandem para sa dadating na eleksyon sa 2010. Ayon sa isang tagapagmasid sa kampo ng Liberal Party ay posibleng magkaroon ng isang rigodon at magkapalit ng pwesto sila Noynoy at Mar kung saan si Mr Palengke ay babalik bilang standard bearer ng LP at si Noynoy ay babagsak para maging kandidato ng partido sa pagkabise presidente, ito diumano ay mangyayari bago matapos ang kasalukuyang taon.

Ang pagdeklara kay Noynoy sa labanan ng pagkapangulo at ang pagtanggap naman ni Mar bilang ka-partner nito ay hindi nangangahulugan na sila ay opisyal nang mga kandidato. Ito ay isang plano pa lamang na maaaring mapalitan lalo pa’t hindi pa nakapaghain ang dalawa ng kanila-kanilang opisyal na candidacy sa COMELEC. Hindi diumano papayagan ng grupong tinatawag na “The Firm” na maging pangalawa lamang si Mar. Ang grupong “The Firm” ang siyang nasa likod ng kandidatura ni Mr Palengke at tumutulak dito upang tumakbo sa pagkapangulo.

Ito ang isa sa mga pinanghahawakan ng grupong “The Firm” kasama na ang umiinit na intriga sa pagitan ng mga ibat-ibang grupong maka-Noynoy na ating namang natuklasan na pare-parehas palang naghihinanakit dahil sa sobrang pagkiling ng unico iho ni dating Pangulong Cory sa kanyang mga kapatid at ibang miyembro ng kaniyang pamilya sa tuwing may gagawing hakbang o di kaya ay bubuuing mga plano para sa 2010. Dahil dito ay nakakaramdam ng pagiging “out of place” ang mga kilalang miyembro ng Hyatt 10, ilang LP members at iba pang civil society groups na masugid na ipinalutang ang “Noynoy for President” sa kasagsagan ng pagluluksa kay President Cory Aquino.

Ang ganitong klaseng pagtatampo o ang pakiramdam ng pagtraydor ay pwedeng mag-udyok sa mga grupong ito na tuluyang talikuran si Noynoy at iakyat ng muli si Mar Roxas bilang kanilang kandidato sa pagkapangulo. Hindi ba’t kung sa ngayon pa lamang ay hindi na nila lubusang nahahawakan sa leeg si Noynoy ay posibleng sila naman ang ilaglag nito sa panahong ito ay magtagumpay sa 2010 at siya namang ika-uunsyami ng kani-kanilang mga personal na plano?

Ang posibleng pagririgodon ni Senador Noynoy at Senador Mar Roxas ay isang kaabang-abang na kaganapan sa bakod ng Liberal Party na una nang nag-akalang may malaking bentahe dahil sa mistulang mainit na pagtanggap ng mga tao sa Noynoy-Mar tandem. Ngunit ang ningning ng kahit ano mang bagay o tao ay lilipas din kung siya ay napapalibutan ng mga tao o grupong sisira dito.

PANGANGAMPANYA SA KALAGITNAAN NG DELUBYO

Sa mga nagdaang araw, malaki ang nawala sa Pilipinas lalong-lalo na sa mga taong nabiktima ng matinding paghagupit ng bagyong Ondoy sa kalakhang Maynila pati na rin sa mga katabing lalawigan. Ito ay sinundan ng pagpasok ng isa pang bagyo na si Pepeng na hinagupit at tumama mismo sa lalawigan sa hilagang bahagi ng bansa. Sa ngayon, ang buong bansa ay nasa state of calamity dahil sa pananalasang idinulot ng dalawang bagyo.

Ang mga pangyayaring ito ay nagdulot ng pagkakaisa, pakikipagtulungan at pagkakapantay-pantay ng bawat Pilipino sa pagbibigay ng tulong sa mga kapwa Pilipino. Ang trahedya ng bagyo ay nagbigay rin daan sa ilan upang magkaroon ng mapag-kakakitaan sa gitna ng dinaranas na kahirapan ng bansa gaya na lamang ng mga maliliit na talyer at gawaan ng mga kasangkapan sa bahay. Sa kabilang banda, may mga tao rin na nagging mapagsamantala dahil ninanakawan nila ang mga bahay na nilisan ng mga may-ari. At ang masama, may mga ilang opisyal na ginamit ang kanilang kapangyarihan upang makapagbigay ng tulong para na rin sa kanilang pansariling kapakanan dahil sa nalalapit na eleksyon.

May mga ilang tatakbong opisyal ang mga nakita sa lansangan ng iba’t-ibang lugar upang maghatid ng tulong. May iilan din na puspusan ang pagtulong upang bumango ang kanilang pangalan at imahe. Marahil, palapit na ng palapit ang araw ng eleksyon kung kaya’t lahat ng maaari nilang gawin upang makatulong ay puspusan at sisikapin nilang magawa.

Subalit, nakakabahala na may ilan na inuna pa ang kanilang sarili bago ang mga taong humihingi ng saklolo. May mga litrato na nagkalat sa ngayon sa internet patungkol sa pagkakabit ng mga campaign paraphernalia ni Senador Noynoy Aquino sa ilang probinsiya pagkatapos humagupit ang bagyong Ondoy. Nagawa pa umanong makipagkita ni Aquino kay dating Pangulo Joseph Estarada upang magkaroon ng pagpupulong sa pagitan nilang dalawa sa kasagsagan ng malakas na ulan.

Ang ganitong gawain ay mariing ikinokondena dahil ang lahat ng tao ay abala sa pagtulong sa mga kakababayang nasalanta ngunit si Aquino at ang kanyang mga taga-suporta ay nagging okupado sa pagkakabit ng mga banners at posters bilang pagkampanya sa parating na eleksyon. Ito ba ang lider na gugustuhin ng lahat? Mas uunahin pa niya ang kanyang sarili bago ang mga taong bayan. Wala na ba talaga siyang respeto sa mga kahirapan na dinaranas ng kanyang mga kababayan? Kung tutuusin, ang lahat ng ito ay patunay lamang na walang pakialam ang mga Aquino sa mahihirap gaya na lamang ng nangyari sa Hacienda Luisita.

Ang mga pagtulong na ginagawa ni Aquino sa mga nasalanta ay hindi sapat dahil ang mga pera na kanyang ibinahagi ay hindi nanggaling sa sariling bulsa kundi pera na nilikom ng kanyang mga taga-suporta na nagmula rin sa taong bayan. Hindi man lang niya masuklian ang binigay na hirap at pagod na naranasan ng sambayanang Pilipino sa pakikiramay at pagdadalamhati sa kanilang pamilya ng namatay ang kanyang ina.
Ganoon na ba talaga katindi ang kanyang pagnanasa na maka-upo sa palasyo ng Malacanang? Wala na ba siyang oras na pinipili kung kaya’t ultimo oras ng kalamidad ay kanyang susugurin para lamang mangampanya at makipag-usap sa iba’t-ibang pulitiko.

Marapat munang isantabi ang pangangampanya dahil hindi pa lubusang nakakabangon ang bansa sa dalawang magkasunod na bagyo na nag-iwan ng matinding sugat sa bansa.

A NEW WITNESS IN THE MAKING BY PING

The Filipino people have already seen different witnesses presented by Senator Panfilo “Ping” Lacson in the Senate hearing regarding graft and corruption pin pointing Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and Mike Arroyo. While everyone is busy reaching out to the victims of typhoons Ondoy and Pepeng, Ping has been busy training new witnesses for his allegations in his recent privilege speeches.

Ping’s school of thought has apparently been creating the best witnesses in town. His students undergo extensive training, practiced and molded in how to become excellent actors so they would indeed look credible in what they are saying. Starting from Rodolfo Lozada, Dante Madriaga, and Leo San Miguel testifying in the investigation of the NBN-ZTE, he welcomes his new graduate, Blanquita “Babes” Pelaez.

In 1996, Pelaez and Lacson had a misunderstanding with regard to a handcuffs contract. She claimed that Lacson blocked the payment after she refused to follow his instruction to fabricate charges against three former government officials along with a number of PNP officers whom he considered enemies. It was followed then by Pelaez looking for and finding proof that Lacson is wealthy enough to pay the damages she incurred. She was able to expose Lacson’s assets which summed up to a very sizeable amount of wealth, but may not be as questionable because he was at that time, PNP Chief after all. Read the related story http://www.newsflash.org/2003/05/hl/hl018804.htm

The credibility of exposing the truth is left under the hands of Pelaez. Yet, how can be she credible enough if she was charged with estafa and found to be guilty a few years back? Would she still be trustworthy after changing her mind towards the case she filed against Lacson? How can be she so honest to tell the truth when everything around her seems to be pure lies?

Lacson would of course allow Pelaez at any time to come out and reveal information that would help him clear things out. For what issue to be tackled, no one knows for sure. The enemies of the past becoming best of friends are surprisingly not new in politics as Lacson and Pelaez have apparently mended fences and teamed up to expose something greater than their previous altercation. Lacson had allegedly offered a huge amount to Pelaez wherein she could not resist forgiving and forgetting the issues between them and indeed the reason behind for the sudden friendship that developed. What happened here and between have been closed off to public view and we are supposed to just forget. For now, people will forget as they eagerly wait for the right time when Pelaez would expose her masterfully trained essential information… all for Lacson’s cause, of course.

RAILROADING LACSON’S DICTATORSHIP

The foreboding over a possible no-election scenario by next year is as prevalent as the rumored grounding of a transitory government to be dominated by members of the Political Opposition. After the controversial 12-paged Transitory Revolutionary Government or (TRG) proposal that was handed-out among 2008 AFP generals groomed to turn-down GMA, another “legit” coup d’état is on the rise through Isabela Rep. Ed Joson’s House Bill 3194 which compels the public to swallow-in presidential hopefuls like Senators Loren Legarda and Panfilo Lacson. For a consolation, the public is believed that the “Transitory Council”, comprised of influential civil society groups and solons from the Opposition base camp to act as a collective body instituted to divide the presidential control and keep the appointed Head of State on its toes.

But can we count on this? How sure are we that TRG or HB 3194 stays on track and not be a venue for a totalitarian rule of a non-elected “Head of State”?

As explained in HB 3194, the need for an alternative government once failure of election sets will ensure that GMA would not be extending her term of office. But it falls short in guaranteeing that the Transitory Government would not be further exploited for the benefit of few presidential hopefuls who simply can’t win Malacañang over a fair and square election. This was also the same alibi used to raise the concession towards a TRG takeover in mid of 2008. However, rather than quelling one democratic threat involving the spoke-about term extension of GMA, TRG and HB 3194 are no less propelling a no-el and even worse a “dictatorship’. The people conspiring behind it are TRAPOs who are not worth trusting. They all live in the same ego-centric lifestyle where their self-serving interests subdue the welfare of the state.

Instead of putting a leash on the current administration, this actually puts fangs on the opportunistic few to destabilize the government by “financing” or “masterminding” destabilization efforts that could easily be blamed on the Arroyos. Besides, Arroyo has been a fitting scapegoat minding the twin issues of graft slammed during her administration. The public could easily accuse Arroyo of power grip. Thus, giving few TRAPOs the favorable arena where they can twitch facts with the public’s roundabout consent.

Comparing the two plots that ought to oust GMA and install a “caretaker” government, it has been interestingly noticeable that Sen. Lacson’s name predominates Legarda’s. He was clearly the 2008 TRG originator and now the fiddled Head of State under the dish-out Transition Bill in KAMARA. Considerably, Lacson may have more than what meets the eye over the transition schemes. Perhaps, this explains why he backed out of the presidential race. Else, he would not be dogging his way out on the PAOC-TF hullabaloos. Moreover, it is an open-secret that he is out to clear his name in the Dacer-Corbito murders by nailing the blames on his former Chief Erap Estrada.

Portraying the good guy amidst the fiasco over erring politicians nowadays would give him an edge over other statesmen including Sen. Legarda, who was also pointed out in HB 3194. Legitimizing a swift overturn of GMA’s presidency is not enough to make it appealing for the masses to sink their teeth into. Other than demonizing Gloria and winning the Congress’ blessing, there is of course the need to get a hold of people’s confidence. This way, Lacson could claim he won the Filipino’s favor; by putting-up dirty antics and public stunts.

In fact, out of the twelve seated 2007 senators who will be tidied up as the Transitory Council, seven have already been wooed by Lacson to favor him when HB 3194 is pushed. That is, exempting Senators Manny Villar and Cayetano who are still in “word war” with Lacson. This number gives Lacson the flattering lead when matched up to Legarda. Practically, all that he needs right now, are “agitators” that could help generate no-el. To which, DOE Sec. Angelo Reyes could be aligned. Sec. Reyes who had been corresponding with Lacson has unexpectedly dropped the bomb about a possible black-out on election D-DAY. Reyes was plainly instigating baseless rumors that could fuel qualms over a no-el. Apparently, his correspondence with Lacson is building-up a good route for a fitting plan to sabotage the nearing election.

Should we be sitting-ducks as Lacson, among others, railroads his Martial Law rule? By the time coup spoils the law of the land and disrupts the flow of the republic, there is no assurance that an ad hoc government stays “temporary”. The TRG would be calling the shots. The Council, made-up no less by Lacson minions, could lengthen the Head of State’s rule as they please.

Is this really why we battle against Gloria’s term extension? To hand Malacañang over to Lacson who would in turn use it to build his totalitarian empire?